"As one veteran officer described it, the idea is to control
crowds through intimidation. Lethal force is
eschewed, but force of any other kind is
maximized."
By Dave McGowan
August 2000
http://davesweb.cnchost.com/rage.htm
The name of the game was psychological warfare.
The target was the American people, particularly those
residing in or visiting Los Angeles. The goals
were at least threefold: demonize the demonstrators long before they
ever began assembling on the streets of L.A.,
intimidate as many of them as possible into not showing up or into
leaving early, and justify the use of appalling
levels of police state repression.
The plan began at least two years ago as "officers were assigned as early
as 1998 to begin plans for crowd
control and riot suppression." (1) The media
was an eager participant, running such provocatively headlined
articles as "Coroners Office Plans to Be Fully
Staffed Through Convention," as the L.A. Times did on June 23rd.
The not so subtle message? Exercising your
constitutional right to free speech may very well cost you your life,
which seems like a rather strange way to run
a 'democracy.'
Another aspect of the plan apparently involved the staging of a 'riot'
outside of the Staples Center following
the L.A. Laker's recent championship win,
and the subsequent staging of a non-response by the LAPD. That this
was a wholly manufactured event should be
abundantly clear to anyone critically examining what occurred. The
notion that the heavily militarized and ridiculously
over-equipped LAPD was unable - or too timid - to respond to
this disturbance has no connection to reality.
Without doubt, the purpose of this fiasco was to elicit calls from the
media for more decisive action to quell
such unrest, and to thereby manufacture the
appearance of a public outcry for more aggressive policing (and this
from a department that had already given us
the hyper-aggressive and feloniously corrupt CRASH units). And this
is indeed precisely what happened. Of course,
never did the media take notice of the fact that there is a
considerable difference between a group of
unruly sports fans on a drunken rampage and a group of peacefully
and lawfully assembled political protesters.
To equate the two - as the press and city officials have done
repeatedly - is indicative of the mind-set
of the LAPD and its media allies.
Allegedly tarnished and embarrassed by its feeble response to the Laker's
melee - and properly chastised by
the media - the department was now determined
to respond in force to the slightest provocation - real or
imagined. So when it was "faced with large
street demonstrations and scattered acts of physical provocation, the
LAPD was swift and punishing, a far cry from
the department that allowed rambunctious Laker fans to burn cars
after the team's recent championship victory."
(3) Of course, the street demonstrations were actually fairly small,
and the vast majority of the provoking was
being done by the LAPD.
But never mind that; the department was now able to portray itself as being
the whipping-boy no matter
what its response. LAPD spokesman David Kalish
was quick to do exactly that when he said that the department
was in "almost a no-win situation. Some will
view it as we waited too long, some will view it as moving too
quickly," (4) which is both a little too predictable
and a little too convenient.
We are now expected to feel sorry for the scandal-wracked department. Whether
they're standing-by with
their thumbs up their asses while rampaging
sports fans fueled by drunken bravado run amok, or whether they're
firing indiscriminately into a caged-in crowd
of unarmed demonstrators working peacefully to save the last vestiges
of democracy in this country, the beleaguered
LAPD just can't seem to catch a break.
There is actually a strong possibility that the provocation in both cases
was instigated by the LAPD itself. As
the Times would later report, the department
"has a particularly long and pungent history of spying on political
dissenters dating to the 'Red Squad' of the
1930s that regularly broke up union and leftist meetings, hustling
protesters to jail. Then, in the late 1970s
and 1980s, it was learned that officers from the department's Public
Disorder Intelligence Division had infiltrated
left-wing groups and that others had spied on local politicians and
critics of the Police Department." (5)
And the LAPD spooks were out in force in preparation for the DNC: "The
Los Angeles Police Department
calls them 'scouts,' and they are so good
at their job that, during this week's protests, some were shot at and
others were arrested - by their own colleagues
... Throughout the week, they have provided a key element in the
Police Department's intelligence-gathering
network, as they circulated unnoticed within crowds across the city …
the department now uses these officers routinely
… Federal and other local agencies also had undercover officers
working inside the demonstrations this week."
(5)
Is it really such a stretch to suggest that these agents provocateur were
involved with instigating both the
Laker's fiasco and the rock-throwing incident
that triggered the LAPD rampage in the protest pit? The L.A. Times
reported tellingly that these spook officers
were in the thick of all the major confrontations (which weren't, by the
way, very major) that occurred during the
week of protests, including being in the line of fire at the now infamous
police riot following the Rage Against the
Machine concert. And make no mistake about it, a police riot was
exactly what it was.
While the local press claimed that what occurred was a "response to a melee
at a protest concert," (6) the
truth is that there was no melee until the
LAPD created one by opening fire and sending in club-wielding storm
troopers. And while the Times may claim that
"a few hundred protesters clashed with an extraordinarily forceful
Los Angeles Police Department," (4) the reality
is that but a handful of protesters 'clashed' with the police by
throwing rocks at them - while the vast majority
did nothing more than try to escape the unprovoked police
onslaught. (8)
The reality is also that while LAPD mouthpiece Kalish would brazenly state
that "Anyone with common
sense would have left the area on their own
volition when the violence reached such a high level," (7) more honest
voices would report that "a commander at the
scene ... announced that people would be given a 'reasonable'
amount of time to exit ... Less than a minute
after the announcement, rubber bullets started flying," and "The vast
majority of concertgoers tried to follow the
order to leave ... (but) police had closed off other possible exits." (8)
And finally, the truth is that while Kalish would also claim that "police
were forced to react to the 'very
violent demeanor of the crowd,'" (4) less
biased accounts would note that the demeanor of the crowd was in fact
overwhelmingly peaceful - even festive - and
the police response was "like something out of the Third Reich ...
Monday's downtown sweep was overkill by any
standard." (1)
Labeling Monday night's actions as a police riot should not be interpreted
to mean that the response by the
LAPD was spontaneous or that the officers
were 'out of control.' Quite to the contrary, the actions of L.A.'s finest
were very carefully planned and executed;
it was in fact a very tightly choreographed police riot that followed a
time-tested blueprint.
All the basic elements of the plan were in place at least a quarter-century
ago, as reported by journalist Peter
Watson, who conducted an exhaustive review
of the available government research in the area of psychological
warfare for his book War on the Mind
(Hutchinson, 1978). In the chapter "Psychological Aspects of Population
Control," Watson summarized the pertinent
research in the area of crowd control:
"Far more specific
studies have been carried out in respect of the behaviour of crowds. One
man
who has devoted
a great deal of energy to these questions is Colonel Rex Applegate ...
According
to Applegate,
the most frequent mistake which security forces make is not to use force
early enough
... Basic psychological
riot control measures ... should preferably, but not necessarily, be used
in the
following order:
Show of force:
the surprise appearance of a large unit of specially equipped police in
full view of the
mob can have
a huge psychological impact ...
Orders to
disperse: ...They should be clear and fully communicated to the crowd,
which usually
means a powerful
public address system. In large mobs, undercover men in plain clothes should
be
planted ...
Use of formations:
this is the point, Applegate says, where psychological force has to be
replaced
with physical
force ... The main point in training, however, is to instill into the riot
squad the value of
acting as a
group and the psychological impact which a block of well-armed men in identical
uniforms has
on mobs. The men should all be trained so that they always occupy the same
position in
the unit and
therefore know exactly where everybody else is ... Once movement is underway
the
squad should
not stop ... if any single man is attacked his aides should immediately
take his place,
reinforcing
the idea that the mob is dealing with a unit, not with individuals. The
forward squads
should not weaken
themselves by making arrests; this is left to the back-up units in the
rear of the
patrol. After
dispersal, the squads should actively and 'aggressively' patrol the area,
picking up any
individuals
left in the vicinity to prevent the mob regrouping ...
The use of
chemical agents and individual fire: if it is not possible to disperse
the mob through the
use of formations,
then, says Applegate, 'chemical agents may be called for or selected fire
from
marksmen' ...
What he recommends is for the police to fire into the ground in front of
a marauding
mob; this reduces
the risk of fatalities, he says, and instead the ricochet bullets hit the
lower parts of
the body, injuring
but not killing ... Upon first confronting a crowd, he writes, steps should
be taken
to show them
that the police are armed and that their guns are loaded ...
The police should
never be under too specific instructions as to what they can and can not
do; the
commander on
the ground should have discretion ... Local criminals and professional
'fringe
operators,'
says Applegate, will normally join the riots for personal gain. Police
intelligence should
aim to stop
it by routine road blocks and so forth." (10)
Nowhere will you find a more accurate description of the actions of the
LAPD than in those words written
more than twenty years ago. The only thing
that has changed is that the police now use rubber bullets rather than
firing into the ground, and the chemical agents
employed today are more sophisticated than in the past. To see just
how closely the LAPD adhered to these time-honored
psychological warfare techniques, compare the following
two passages, the first taken from reporter
Charles Rappleye's account of the events following the Monday night
concert, and the other taken from Peter Watson's
book:
"a squad of 20
motorcycle cops pulled up from the rear. As those on foot made their way,
the
motorcycle officers
rode to the front and fanned out across Figueroa from curb to curb. Then,
after
another pause,
all 20 hit their lights and sirens and began a slow advance. The effect
was ... an
unnerving assault
of light and sound, the piercing racket echoing off the glass walls of
the downtown
skyscrapers."
(1)
"Not only is
very loud noise extremely painful, but when it is pulsed at certain frequencies
it can
make people
sick - even, in some cases, induce epilepsy ... in 1973 Allen International
publicized a
new machine
- the 'photic driver' - which not only pulsed out sound that could reverberate
off
buildings, but
also pulsed out flashing lights. This too can be reflected from the walls
of public
buildings, compounding
its effect. The noise and light together are reported to have a marked
nauseous effect
on crowds and the risk of epilepsy is also said to be greater with this
machine." (10)
What then, in the final analysis, are we to make of the LAPD's behavior
during the Monday Night Melee?
According to the venerable L.A. Times - the
official voice of L.A. as brought to you by the good people at the
Chicago Tribune - "many people, including
some of (the LAPD's) most persistent critics, credited it with
protecting liberty..." (3) Strangely though,
while this article went on at some length, not a single legitimate critic
of
the department was quoted to support this
conclusion. Instead, what was presented were shameless accolades
from police-state apologists like Councilwoman
Ruth Galanter ("It's a credit to all of us. It's a credit to the city")
and the city's Human Relations Commission
chairman, Joe Hicks ("What we saw over the last week or so was the
epitome of human relations on the streets
of L.A."). (3)
Elsewhere, a delegate from Michigan, Bill Hanner, was quoted as saying:
"I don't even know what they're
demonstrating about. I don't think they're
doing a very good job of getting their message out, because we're very
willing to listen." (9) Hanner apparently
never considered that it is extraordinarily difficult to get your message
out
when you are busy dodging rubber bullets,
choking on tear gas, and being ignored and/or denigrated by the
media. And it's doubtful that Hanner - or
any of his fellow delegates - bothered to walk over and find out what the
demonstrations were about, given that it's
very difficult to listen from inside the confines of the Staples Center.
The verdict, at any rate, is in. The LAPD is now basking in the glow of
its self-proclaimed victory, and are
not in any mood for naysayers. Spokesman Kalish
made this clear when he dismissed criticism of his department
with the remark: "It is unfortunate that some
politicos have escalated the level of the rhetoric and participated in
the dissemination of disinformation." (7)
The shamelessness of the department's primary disseminator of
disinformation apparently knows no bounds.
"As one veteran officer described it, the idea
is to control crowds through intimidation. Lethal force is
eschewed, but force of any other kind is maximized."
(1)
References:
1. Charles Rappleye "Fear Itself," L.A. Weekly,
August 17, 2000
2. Beth Shuster "Coroners Office Plans to
Be Fully Staffed Through Convention," Los Angeles Times, June 23,
2000
3. Jim Newton "LAPD Ends Week With High Marks,"
Los Angeles Times, August 19, 2000
4. Tina Daunt and Carla Rivera "Police Forcefully
Break Up Melee After Concert," Los Angeles Times, August
15, 2000
5. Beth Shuster "Officers Kept Eye on Protests
From Within," Los Angeles Times, August 18, 2000
6. Troy Anderson, Dominic Berbeo, Jason Kandel,
and Jordan Smith "LAPD Keeps Tight Rein on New Round
of Protests," Los Angeles Daily News, August
16, 2000
7. Troy Anderson "Senator, ACLU Blast Police,"
Los Angeles Daily News, August 16, 2000
8. Howard Blume "L.A.'s Black Eye," L.A. Weekly,
August 17, 2000
9. Scott Martelle and Nicholas Riccardi "95
Arrested as Protesters and Police Make a Day of It," Los Angeles
Times, August 16, 2000
10. Peter Watson War on the Mind: The Military
Uses and Abuses of Psychology, Hutchinson, 1978
Postscript: On Thursday, August 24th, with
the dust still settling from the DNC protests, forty-one former and
current members of the Los Angeles Police
Department filed a class action lawsuit in Los Angeles Superior Court
against the department seeking $100 million
in damages. The officers claim that they were retaliated against with
punishment and harassment after reporting
acts of egregious police misconduct including fraud, perjury, false
arrest, false imprisonment, and assorted civil
rights violations. The lawsuit is targeted against the city and the
LAPD brass, including Chief Bernard Parks,
three captains and two lieutenants. At a news conference announcing
the suit, some of the officers reported having
received thinly veiled death threats. The attorney for the officers
announced that he expects the suit to ultimately
include from 300-400 plaintiffs, all with similar complaints. The
department has always steadfastly maintained
that no 'code of silence' exists among its officers, as have
departments all across the country. According
to an amazing number of its own men, that code of silence not only
exists but is enforced with a vengeance. Meanwhile,
at least seventy of the department's men remain under
investigation in conjunction with the Rampart
scandal.
Additional Reading:
Charles Rappleye of the L.A. Weekly on what
really happened on Monday night:
http://www.laweeklydaily.com/ink/00/04/news-rappleye.shtml
Charles Rappleye again, this time on the shameless
praise heaped on the LAPD:
http://www.laweekly.com/ink/00/40/news-rappleye1.shtml
Howard Blume, also of the L.A. Weekly, on
the shooting of civil rights attorney Carol Sobel - right between the
eyes: http://www.laweeklydaily.com/ink/00/04/news-blume.shtml
Ben Ehrenreich of the L.A. Weekly catalogues
the misdeeds of the LAPD during the DNC:
http://www.laweekly.com/ink/00/40/news-ehrenreich.shtml
FAIR (Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting)
on the disinformational reports in the mainstream media of the events
of Monday night: http://www.fair.org/activism/democratic-convention.html
John Andrews of the World Socialist Web Site
on the use of spies by the LAPD:
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2000/aug2000/lapd-a24.shtml
John Seeley of the L.A. Weekly on the seemingly
deliberate targeting of reporters by the LAPD:
http://www.laweekly.com/ink/00/40/news-seeley.shtml
A photographic
journey into the epicenter of the police state
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